Tuesday, January 7, 2014

The Surrender of Port Hudson (October, 1863)

Surrender of Port Hudson (1863)

Source: The Friend: Honolulu. October, 1863. Pages 74-75.

Vicksburg had fallen on the 4th of July. The news soon reached the fleets before Fort Hudson, whereupon salutes were fired both on land and water; the bands of the different regiments perforated in their best style the different patriotic airs So well known to the American people. The soldiers and sailors were almost ungovernable with enthusiasm. Joy resounded everywhere throughout the camps. The rebels were startled, and anxious as to the cause of so much and so enthusiastic cheering on our side, but were destined to wait in terrible suspense as to the interpretation of what was going on. At length, the rebels and our troops, being in proximity to each other, conversation was indulged in without danger to either side. It was difficult for the rebels to believe that Vicksburg had surrendered. Perhaps this difficulty was strengthened by the fact that the surrender of Port Hudson depended in some measure upon that of Vicksburg. But curiosity increased, and at length, towards evening on the 7th, resolved upon knowing the truth of the rumor which had spread throughout their lines, an officer raised himself above the works, and called out to one of the Union officers, asking, "What are you making all that noise about?" The answer was, "Because we have taken Vicksburg." The officer was as doubting as had been his soldiers before him. He insisted upon not believing the news, and on being asked what testimony he would accept on the subject so as to be convinced of its truth, he responded, "Nothing but a copy of the dispatch,or some trustworthy authority." The Union officer then procured a copy of Gen. Grant's official dispatch, and passed it over the parapets to him, assuring him at the some tune, on the honor of a soldier, the dispatch was genuine, as he copied it with his own band. Having read the little document the rebel officer said he was satisfied of its truthfulness, and believed it to be useless for Port Hudson to attempt to hold out longer. 


The night passed away; the rebels had eaten their last crust; they had eaten up their mules and were entertaining themselves with a savory dish of dead rats. They were, in short, out of provisions, and would probably have surrendered the position at any rate before many days. The dispatch from Gen. Grant which they had read, had been studied by Gen. Gardiner, and at 2 o'clock next morning, the 4th July, a parley was sounded from the rebel works, which was soon answered, and an officer came out with a dispatch from Gen. Gardiner, asking on what terms a surrender would be accepted. As soon as possible the message was taken to General Banks' headquarters, and in due time an answer was returned to the effect that none but an unconditional surrender would be accepted. The terms were accepted by Gen. Gardiner, a short time was asked for in which to make the necessary arrangements. Twenty-four hours were given for that purpose, but General Gardner was ready in a shorter time than that, for at 12 o'clock, noon, on the 4th of July, our forces entered into Port Hudson, the No. 2 Gibraltar of the Mississippi. As the victors entered, they found the rebels all drawn up in line of battle with arms stacked in front of them, and the hungry soldiers of General Gardiner were soon well fed from the Commissariat of the Union army, from which six thousand rations were drawn. The number of rebel soldiers drawn up in line, when the surrender took place, was about 4,000. In addition to this number there was about 1,500 sick and wounded; the wounded numbered about 500. The wounds are generally very severe, in the head, and by the bullets of our sharp-shooters. Our batteries had done a great deal of damage, having destroyed an immense amount of stores. The United States flag was run up at nine o'clock, on Thursday morning, the 9th July, and was saluted by the fleets above and below the position. There has been terrible sickness in the garrison, and almost total destitution of medicine. They suffered terribly from this cause. There was a good supply of ammunition, all of which fell into our hands.

Sunday, January 5, 2014

Rebel Letter (May, 1862)

Rebel Letter (July, 1862)

Source: The Friend. Honolulu, July, 1862. 

The following is one of the letters found in the rebel camp after the Pea Ridge battle. It is from a Louisiana Major to his sister, a resident of New Orleans, and bears date, 

LITTLE ROCK, Feb. 27, 1862. 

DEAR SISTER CARRIE:—You asked me, in your last letter, what I thought of our dearly beloved cause. To be candid, I have little hope for its success now, though last December I felt confident we would be recognized before the coming June. I don't like the Yankees a bit; I have been educated to hate them, and I do hate them heartily; but I must acknowledge the South has been sadly mistaken in their character. We have always believed that the Yankees would not fight for anything like a principle; that they had no chivalry, no poetry in their nature. Perhaps they have not; but that they are brave, determined, persevering, they have proved beyond question. 

The trouble with them is, that they never get tired of anything. They lost all the battles at first, and after Manasses we despised them. This year has inaugurated a new order of affairs. We are beaten at all points. We do nothing but surrender and evacuate; and while I hate the Lincolnites more than ever, I respect them—l can't help it for their dogged obstinancy, and the slow but steady manner in which they carry out their plans. 

I have lost heart in our cause. There is something wrong—somewhere. Jeff. Davis and our political leaders are either knaves or fools. They drew us into our present difficulties, and now have no way of showing us out of them. 

If the South had known what would have been the result of secession, no State, unless South Carolina, would have gone out of the Union. We all thought we could go out in peace; I know I did, and laughed at the idea of the North attempting to keep us in the Union by force of arms. It was not possible, we said. We had too many friends in the free States. Such a step would be followed by a revolution in the North, and the turning of old Lincoln and all the abolitionists out of office. 

0 well, it can't be helped, Carrie. We are in for it. It is too late to retreat. We must fight the thing out. * * * I cannot help believing we will be overpowered. We are growing weaker every day, and the North stronger. I fear to look at our future. We can't be subjugated, we all say. I hope not; but if we do not fly the country, I fear we will experience something like subjugation. 

Maybe I'm gloomy to-day; I reckon I am. Who wouldn't be? I intend to fight as hard as I can, but I don't see my way out. * * * Tear up this letter. Don't let mother, or father, or any of our relatives see it. I have expressed my heart to you because you are my dear sister, and I always tell you what I believe. 


EDITORIAL REMARKS. —The whole story of Southern Rebellion, in a nut-shell. Jeff. Davis and his associates, either "knaves or fools." Perhaps both! The South is beginning to understand the true character of the North. It is gratifying to see reason returning. There is no fear for the Union, so long as those in rebellion respect the Federal troops and public officers for their bravery, patriotism and perseverance. A better time is surely coming.

Late American News (July 1, 1862)

Source: The Friend. Honolulu: July 1, 1862.

By the arrival of the schooner Fanny and bark Boreas, both from San Francisco, we have telegraphic dates from Washington to June 7th. The intelligence generally is interesting and gratifying to all true Americans. A battle was fought near Richmond, May 31 and June 1, which resulted in the defeat of the Rebels. The loss was heavy on both sides. Citizens were leaving and stores being removed from Richmond, but it was thought another battle would be hazarded by Jeff. Davis, to save the Confederate Capital. Reports speak of a number of Federal gunboats at Richmond. If this be so, the would-be-great southern leader is about done for. 

—Beauregard, finding himself likely to be entrapped at Corinth, by the Union army, evacuated the place on the 29th of May. The retreat appears to have been very disorderly, as Gen. Pope succeeded in cutting off and capturing some 10,000 of the rebels, with arms, ammunition, &c., in abundance. 

—Com. Dupont and Gen. Hunter had invested Charleston, S. C, and probably ere this, the very nest of treason has been taken. 

—Norfolk and its formidable forts have fallen into the hands of the Federals; but before leaving, the Rebels destroyed an immense amount of property, including the famous Merrimac. The ship was fired and blown to pieces. 


—New Orleans is fully occupied by a Union army; Fort Wright taken; Memphis reported ditto; so that the Mississippi River may be considered open from mouth to source. Boats at St. Louis were up for "New Orleans and intermediate ports."

Lands of the Slave and the Free: or, Cuba, the U. States and Canada. (June, 1862)

Lands of the Slave and the Free: or, Cuba, the U. States and Canada.
By Captain the Hon. Henry A. Murray, R. N.
[London and New York: 1857.] 

Source: The Friend. Honolulu: June, 1862. 

This work principally relates to the United States. The author traveled in 1851 and 1852, from Boston to New Orleans, visiting every part of the country. After returning home, he was urged by his friends to publish an account of his travels, and the accompanying volume embraces the result of his notes and reflections. The book contains much valuable information, but the writer exhibits this radical fault, starting from England with the idea that England and Englishmen are the standards by which to measure and compare the inhabitants and customs of other lands. If in his opinion they do not come up to, or excel those standards, then, forsooth, they must be wrong. While the writer finds much to censure and condemn, yet he makes some admissions which are quite remarkable. In referring to the knowledge which Americans possess of their own country, and the nature of the Republican Government under which they live, the Hon. Mr. Murray makes the following statements: 

"Then, again, with reference to their own country, it is impossible for any one to travel among them without being struck with the universal intelligence they possess as to its Constitution, its politics, its laws, and all general subjects connected with its prosperity or its requirements. * * * The Constitution of their country is regularly taught at their schools: and doubtless it is owing to this early insight into the latent springs by which the machinery of government is worked, that their future appetite for more minute details is whetted. I question very much if every boy on leaving a High School in the United States, does not know far more of the institutions of his country, than nine-tenths of the members of the British House of Commons of theirs." Page 461. 

This high compliment, which is paid to the youth of America, in the foregoing paragraph, will abundantly atone for the many hard raps and cockney kicks with which this book abounds. Here is an admission the most remarkable which we have ever read in any book upon America, written by an Englishman. It really does not afford the reader a very exalted idea of nine-tenths of those persons in England with an "M. P." attached to their names! 

The question is sometimes asked, and by no persons oftener than Englishmen, "For what are Americans now fighting?” We answer, "They are fighting for the maintenance of that Constitution which the Hon. Mr. Murray, of the R. N., says the youth of America understand better than nine-tenths of British House of Commons do the British Constitution." This is why the U.S. Government is now supporting an army of 600,000 soldiers, and expending from $2,000,000 to $3,000,000 per day. The people of America know what they are fighting for. If they accomplish their object blessings untold will flow to their own people, the African race, and the whole world. 

The following paragraph is from the London Saturday Review, one of the leading English papers: 

"It happens to be the unanimous experience of nineteen educated Englishmen out of twenty, that a more purposeless and hopeless enterprise than the re-conquest of the South, by the Federal Government, has never been projected in any ancient or modern state." 


The conquest of the South may seem hopeless to nineteen out of every twenty educated Englishmen, but it does not take this view in the minds of the best educated Americans. Federal victories succeed one another with astonishing rapidity. One Union Editor, in Virginia, does not deem it best to hoist his flag at every newly reported victory, but keeps the star-spangled banner flying all the time!

Noble Language (May, 1862)

Source: The Friend. Honolulu: May 1, 1862.

Not a few English Statesmen and politicians have openly avowed their sympathy with a Republic whose corner-stone was to be negro slavery, but honest John Bright the Quaker, is not to be found among the number. His voice rings out in clear, strong, vigorous and liberty-loving tones. We are glad to know in Rochdale, among his fellow townsmen, there were found those in whose bosoms was found a fall-toned echo to his noble sentiments: 

A distinguished member of the House of Commons distinguished there by his eloquence, distinguished more by his many writings—l mean Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton—he did not exactly express a hope, but he ventured on something like a prediction, that the time would come when there would be, I don't know how many, but as many Republics or States in America as you can count upon your fingers. There cannot be a meaner motive than this that I am speaking of, in forming a judgment on this question—that it is "better for us;" for whom? the people of England, or the Government of England?—that the United States should be severed, and that that continent should be as the continent of Europe is, in many states, and subject to all the contentions and disasters which has accompanied the history of the states of Europe. [Applause.] I should say that if a man had a great heart within him he would look forward to the day when, from that point of land which is habitable nearest to the Pole, to the shores or the Great Gulf, the whole of that vast continent might become one great Federation of States—that, without a great army and without a great navy, not mixing itself up with the entanglements of European politics—without a custom house inside through the whole length and breadth of its territory, but with Freedom everywhere, equality everywhere, law everywhere, peace everywhere—would afford at last some hope that man is not forsaken of Heaven, and the future of our race might be better than the past. [Prolonged cheering]


Whether the Union will be restored or not, or the South will achieve an unhonored Independence or not, I know not, and I predict not. But this I think I know—that in a few years, the twenty millions of free men in the North will be thirty millions, or even fifty millions—a population equal to or exceeding that of this kingdom. [Hear, hear] When that time comes, I pray that it may not be said among them, that in the darkest hour of their country's trials, England, the land of their fathers, looked on with icy coldness, and saw unmoved the perils and the calamities of her children. [Cheers] As for me, I have but this to say,—l am one in this audience, and but one in the citizenship of this country; but if all other tongues are silent, mine shall speak for that policy which gives hope to the bondsmen of the South. and tends to generous thoughts, and generous words, and generous deeds, between the two great nations that speak the English language, and who, from their origin are alike entitled to the English name. [Great cheering.]

The Rising Prospects of Uncle Tom's Family (May, 1862)

Source: The Friend. Honolulu: May 1, 1862


In estimating the momentous changes which the rebellion is producing in the United States, there is no one more encouraging and hopeful than that relating to the treatment of the|African race. So far as the colored man was concerned the policy of the government has hitherto been oppressive, because the Government has been controlled by Southern politicians and statesmen. With the inauguration of President Lincoln the tables have changed. We would mention the following among the favorable signs:—Abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia-Secretary Seward has granted a passport to a colored man to visit England— contrabands are received and employed as laborers within the military lines—Indications that Hayti will ere long be acknowledged—last but not least, the execution, in the city of New York, Feb. 21, of the notorious slave-dealer and pirate, Gordon. Unless we are mistaken this is the first execution of a slave-dealer! The English have captured hundreds but we do not remember to have heard of an execution under the decision of an English Judge for the crime.

A Better Time Coming in America (May, 1862)

Source: The Friend. Honolulu: May 1, 1862. 

We copy the following paragraphs from a private letter, written by the Rev. J. Spaulding. late Secretary of the American Seaman's Friend Society of New York. He writes under date of Feb. 28th. After referring to various battles, and the condition of the country, he concludes as follows:-

“Last Friday Capt. Gordon, the slave-pirate was hung in this city ; and you may expect to hear that righteous laws have been vindicated, and society protected by more exhibitions of this kind. So far as we can forecast the issues of these troubles we regard the following as certain: a purer and stronger patriotism, and a more consolidated government than ever before; more self respect and a greater respect for free institutions abroad; a healthier mode of conducting business; better men placed in offices of trust and responsibility; no more extension of slavery in U. S. Territory; no more protection of the slave trade under the U. S. Flag; no more bluster and bludgeon in the interest of slavery on the floor of Congress; no more union of any political party of the north with southern partisans to uphold any institution at war with human freedom; no more decent apologies for the system of slavery by decent men, but on the contrary a desire and determination to put an end to the abomination just as fast as it can be done, and promote the highest interests of all concerned; and finally NO MORE REBELLION under a government of righteous laws, justly administered. 


So much seems certain; and worth all the cost, except the blood which the guilty rebels have shed. President Lincoln and other chief officers of the government, have the growing confidence and esteem of the people. Men of all parties and of none, rejoice that we have a Government ably and wisely administered. Some men and some papers grumble; it is their nature, and as they cannot possibly live without a little exercise of that kind, we let them exercise their precious gifts, as we allow our neighbor's quadrupeds to use their vocal organs."