Some unknown person has laid upon our table the Eighth Annual Report of the "Young Men's Christian Association of San Francisco." We have read the document with much interest, and rejoice to learn that an association of this description has been in active existence in that city for eight years past. This Report is accompanied by an interesting Anniversary address by the Rev. W. C. Anderson, D. D., of that city. The address contains the following paragraphs, upon the present war in the United States:
War exists. Our peace-loving, happy, prosperous country has dropped the plowshare and has seized the sword. Her commerce is languishing in her harbors; the sound of the loom and the nnvil waxes fainter ; the note of the herdsman scarce is audible; and in their room we have the "confused noise of the battle of the warrior," and see the garments of our sons and brothers rolled in blood. Let us look at some of its characteristics.
1. It is upon a stupendous scale. Among the annals of rebellion and civil wars, history records nothing like it. The civil strifes of Greece, and Rome, and our father-land, England, were mere local insurrections when compared with this. It covers an area far larger than that of the Roman Empire in the days of its glory—extending from Maine to the Rio Grande, from the Bay of the Delaware to that of San Francisco. It involves directly thirty millions of people; a people for the most part inured to toil, and, when disciplined, destined to be terrible in battle. From the vast extent of territory, and the warlike character of the combatants, it is likely to be the bloodiest war of modern times; already have we fearful earnest of this fact.
2. It is an unprovoked war. It comes in the form of naked rebellion against just authority, and against mild authority; authority which fostered and protected the personal and material interests of all subjects. Since the world began, never has there existed a government more mild, more equitable. Errors in its administration have been numerous and gross, but they have never come in the form of oppressions of the citizens. Oppression of any citizen or class of citizens was from its origin unknown. So far as the freedom and the rights of the subject are concerned, if ever a civil government was entitled to the name of paternal, it is ours. A too great disposition to yield its own rights to the unreasonable demands of its citizens has been its greatest weakness. And to that very party, which is now in rebellion, it has been singularly kind, —humiliatingly so. Its legislative, judicial and executive departments have, for the last thirty years, yielded to the unconstitutional demands of these men. With a coolness unparalleled they have steadily held up in terrorem "disunion;" and to pacify and retain them, the Government has broken its compromises, modified its protective policy, destroyed the only comprehensive and adequate system of finance it ever had, and degraded itself in its own eyes and the eyes of the world. They demanded the purchase of the Floridas as an outlet for their peculiar institution, and it was purchased at the expense of millions of dollars. For the same reason they demanded the annexation of Texas, and it was done at the cost of many millions more. They demanded that the Ordinance of 1787 should be set aside, and that the soil which it had solemnly consecrated to freedom forever should be occupied by Missouri as a slave State, and it was done. As some atonement for this almost sacrilege, a new line was drawn between free and slave territory, known as the "Missouri Compromise" line; a few years only had passed before they demanded that this compromise should be annulled, and it was done. In a word, the South had but to ask, and the boon, however unreasonable, was granted. It was only when it demanded the concession of the fundamental principle upon which the nation exists, —namely, that the majority must rule, —that it said no! And even then it was a reluctant no; for days and weeks it meekly suffered the despoiling of its goods, the invasion of its territory, and treated its rebellious subjects with the forbearance which an over-fond father extends to a spoiled child; and it was only when its flag was trampled under foot, its commissioned servants driven from their posts of duty by shot and shell, and a determination avowed to take the National Capital, that it resisted. I repeat, never was there a Government so kind, so conciliatory, so forbearing, as has been that of the United States to all citizens, and especially to those who have rebelled against it; and I again declare that by no act of its own has it given cause, or even plausible occasion, for this rebellion.
3. The end proposed to be accomplished by this war is sui generis, literally so; an end such as was never before proposed by any people whatsoever rising up in arms. The civil wars of our fatherland had for their avowed end the liberty of the people; such was the war of the Commonwealth in Cromwell's day; such was the almost bloodless revolution of 1668; liberty was the object of our own revolution; such was the proposed end of all the French revolutions. The people of Continental Europe arose in 1848 to obtain freedom; so did the brave Hungarians in 1849. The recent successful uprising in Italy was to obtain deliverance from despots, and a distinct nationality. There is something holy in wars like these. Even the groans of the dying are softened and hallowed, yea, the memories of the dead are sainted by the glorious godlike cause. But what is the object of this war of 1861? This war in the heart of free, liberty-loving, Christian America? What is its avowed end and object? It is to destroy that constitutional liberty which Washington and the fathers have bequeathed to us. It is to blot from the page of world history the heart-cherished truth "that all men are created equal, and have a right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." It is a war based on the abominable assumption that the great theory of self-government is a failure; and hence the purpose to found on the ruins of our glorious republic an empire whose "corner stone," to use their own words, is "human slavery." It is a war against free labor and in behalf of slave labor. In a word, it is a war whose end and aim is to forge beyond the power of breaking, and to rivet forever, the chains of human bondage. Whether, then, we regard it in its origin, its progress, or its aims, we are forced to pronounce it an unprovoked, unkind, ungodly war.
But this unholy war is now fairly inaugurated, and has received a baptism in the blood of hundreds of the noblest patriots of the land. Its termination by compromise is impossible. The South desires no compromise; never proposed to receive any. It claims the absolute, unconditional concession of all its demands; and they are enormous. The Government must surrender all harbors; all the forts; yea, all the territory south of Mason and Dixon's line; it must recognize the Confederate States as an independent nation; it must permit a monarchy, or an iron military oligarchy, to be planted on that soil of freedom which was bought by the blood of the Revolution. On the part of the United States it is a war for existence; nothing more; nothing less. Make peace on the ultimatum of the South and the great Republic ceases to have an existence. Under these circumstances the cry of "noncoercion," "peace," is simply the traitor's cry. It is the weapon he uses to defend his friends in places where he cannot use the sword. Such is the present condition of our national affairs. The crisis which is upon us is a fearful one, and may not be shunned even if we desire to do it. As lovers of freedom and of our country, the only course left to us is to adjust ourselves to this new and sad condition of things.
War exists. Our peace-loving, happy, prosperous country has dropped the plowshare and has seized the sword. Her commerce is languishing in her harbors; the sound of the loom and the nnvil waxes fainter ; the note of the herdsman scarce is audible; and in their room we have the "confused noise of the battle of the warrior," and see the garments of our sons and brothers rolled in blood. Let us look at some of its characteristics.
1. It is upon a stupendous scale. Among the annals of rebellion and civil wars, history records nothing like it. The civil strifes of Greece, and Rome, and our father-land, England, were mere local insurrections when compared with this. It covers an area far larger than that of the Roman Empire in the days of its glory—extending from Maine to the Rio Grande, from the Bay of the Delaware to that of San Francisco. It involves directly thirty millions of people; a people for the most part inured to toil, and, when disciplined, destined to be terrible in battle. From the vast extent of territory, and the warlike character of the combatants, it is likely to be the bloodiest war of modern times; already have we fearful earnest of this fact.
2. It is an unprovoked war. It comes in the form of naked rebellion against just authority, and against mild authority; authority which fostered and protected the personal and material interests of all subjects. Since the world began, never has there existed a government more mild, more equitable. Errors in its administration have been numerous and gross, but they have never come in the form of oppressions of the citizens. Oppression of any citizen or class of citizens was from its origin unknown. So far as the freedom and the rights of the subject are concerned, if ever a civil government was entitled to the name of paternal, it is ours. A too great disposition to yield its own rights to the unreasonable demands of its citizens has been its greatest weakness. And to that very party, which is now in rebellion, it has been singularly kind, —humiliatingly so. Its legislative, judicial and executive departments have, for the last thirty years, yielded to the unconstitutional demands of these men. With a coolness unparalleled they have steadily held up in terrorem "disunion;" and to pacify and retain them, the Government has broken its compromises, modified its protective policy, destroyed the only comprehensive and adequate system of finance it ever had, and degraded itself in its own eyes and the eyes of the world. They demanded the purchase of the Floridas as an outlet for their peculiar institution, and it was purchased at the expense of millions of dollars. For the same reason they demanded the annexation of Texas, and it was done at the cost of many millions more. They demanded that the Ordinance of 1787 should be set aside, and that the soil which it had solemnly consecrated to freedom forever should be occupied by Missouri as a slave State, and it was done. As some atonement for this almost sacrilege, a new line was drawn between free and slave territory, known as the "Missouri Compromise" line; a few years only had passed before they demanded that this compromise should be annulled, and it was done. In a word, the South had but to ask, and the boon, however unreasonable, was granted. It was only when it demanded the concession of the fundamental principle upon which the nation exists, —namely, that the majority must rule, —that it said no! And even then it was a reluctant no; for days and weeks it meekly suffered the despoiling of its goods, the invasion of its territory, and treated its rebellious subjects with the forbearance which an over-fond father extends to a spoiled child; and it was only when its flag was trampled under foot, its commissioned servants driven from their posts of duty by shot and shell, and a determination avowed to take the National Capital, that it resisted. I repeat, never was there a Government so kind, so conciliatory, so forbearing, as has been that of the United States to all citizens, and especially to those who have rebelled against it; and I again declare that by no act of its own has it given cause, or even plausible occasion, for this rebellion.
3. The end proposed to be accomplished by this war is sui generis, literally so; an end such as was never before proposed by any people whatsoever rising up in arms. The civil wars of our fatherland had for their avowed end the liberty of the people; such was the war of the Commonwealth in Cromwell's day; such was the almost bloodless revolution of 1668; liberty was the object of our own revolution; such was the proposed end of all the French revolutions. The people of Continental Europe arose in 1848 to obtain freedom; so did the brave Hungarians in 1849. The recent successful uprising in Italy was to obtain deliverance from despots, and a distinct nationality. There is something holy in wars like these. Even the groans of the dying are softened and hallowed, yea, the memories of the dead are sainted by the glorious godlike cause. But what is the object of this war of 1861? This war in the heart of free, liberty-loving, Christian America? What is its avowed end and object? It is to destroy that constitutional liberty which Washington and the fathers have bequeathed to us. It is to blot from the page of world history the heart-cherished truth "that all men are created equal, and have a right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." It is a war based on the abominable assumption that the great theory of self-government is a failure; and hence the purpose to found on the ruins of our glorious republic an empire whose "corner stone," to use their own words, is "human slavery." It is a war against free labor and in behalf of slave labor. In a word, it is a war whose end and aim is to forge beyond the power of breaking, and to rivet forever, the chains of human bondage. Whether, then, we regard it in its origin, its progress, or its aims, we are forced to pronounce it an unprovoked, unkind, ungodly war.
But this unholy war is now fairly inaugurated, and has received a baptism in the blood of hundreds of the noblest patriots of the land. Its termination by compromise is impossible. The South desires no compromise; never proposed to receive any. It claims the absolute, unconditional concession of all its demands; and they are enormous. The Government must surrender all harbors; all the forts; yea, all the territory south of Mason and Dixon's line; it must recognize the Confederate States as an independent nation; it must permit a monarchy, or an iron military oligarchy, to be planted on that soil of freedom which was bought by the blood of the Revolution. On the part of the United States it is a war for existence; nothing more; nothing less. Make peace on the ultimatum of the South and the great Republic ceases to have an existence. Under these circumstances the cry of "noncoercion," "peace," is simply the traitor's cry. It is the weapon he uses to defend his friends in places where he cannot use the sword. Such is the present condition of our national affairs. The crisis which is upon us is a fearful one, and may not be shunned even if we desire to do it. As lovers of freedom and of our country, the only course left to us is to adjust ourselves to this new and sad condition of things.
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